A special sitting of Parliament has been called for April 16-18 to take up two proposed legislations, or bills, to amend the Constitution to expand the Lok Sabha from 543 to 816 seats, and reserve one-third those – 273 to be precise – for women.
But it comes with several caveats, one of which is the necessary delimitation of India’s electoral map. Simply put, a redrawing of boundaries to form more Lok Sabha segments, and potentially even assembly segments thereafter.
This delimitation plan has emerged as a major sticking point between PM Narendra Modi’s government and Congress-led Opposition.
The government will need some Opposition help to pass these bills, as constitutional amendments need a two-third majority which the BJP-led NDA does not have.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi says the changes fulfil a promise all parties made together. But Congress leader Sonia Gandhi has written that the real issue is not women’s reservation at all — with which she says no one has an issue — but the delimitation exercise being bundled with it.
The two positions were staked out publicly within hours of each other on Monday, defining the battle lines heading into the special session.
What the bills propose: Use 2011 Census, not wait
The Union cabinet led by Modi has approved the introduction of two bills during the special sitting.
The first is a constitutional amendment requiring a two-thirds majority in both Houses of Parliament. The second concerns delimitation or redrawing of LS seat maps on the ground. Together, the bills seek to increase Lok Sabha seats by a flat 50% — from 543 to 816 — with the 273 additional seats reserved for women.
Crucially, the exercise would be based on the 2011 Census, not the ongoing Census which began this month and whose data will not be available for some time.
An earlier amendment for the women’s quota, passed with unanimous support in 2023, had attached the quota implementation to the next Census, which is not even in full swing as of now. That would have meant the actual reservation would not be in effect for the 2029 Lok Sabha election. Because, first the census would have to be done, and then delimitation — a long process.
Now, a Delimitation Commission is proposed to redraw constituency boundaries before the 2029 general elections, using the 2011 Census instead of waiting for the latest one.
Modi: ‘Opposition demanded 2029, we delivered’
Speaking on Monday, PM Modi claimed the special move would fulfil what all parties wanted. He recalled that in 2023, when the original women’s reservation bill was passed, all parties had said it should be implemented by 2029.
“Nobody wanted the bill to be passed and not implemented, especially our Opposition leaders. They were very vocal in stressing that it should be implemented in 2029. Keeping that timeline in mind, the government decided to take what the Opposition had said seriously,” he said.
Describing the upcoming special sittings of parliament as a historic moment, Modi urged all parties to pass the amendments unanimously.
“I am confident that just as it was passed and the pride of Parliament was elevated [in 2023], this time too, through everyone’s collective efforts, the dignity of Parliament will touch new heights,” he said.
Sonia Gandhi writes on ‘real issue’
Congress Parliamentary Party chairperson Sonia Gandhi, however, drew a sharp distinction between the women’s quota and the delimitation exercise accompanying it.
“Reservation for women is not the issue here. That has already been settled. The real issue is delimitation which, based on the information unofficially available, is extremely dangerous and an assault on the Constitution itself,” she wrote in an article for The Hindu.
She argued that any delimitation exercise must be preceded by a new census, as has been the practice historically.
She pointedly raised the question of states’ shares in the Lok Sabha. She said that any delimitation must not put smaller states and states that have been pioneers in family planning — such as most South Indian states like Tamil Nadu and Kerala — “at an absolute or relative disadvantage”.
She argued that even a proportionate increase in seats could harm such states, because “the difference in absolute numbers would get magnified”.
The BJP has said a flat 50% increase does not disturb the proportional shares of states in Parliament.
Sonia further questioned the timing of the government’s change of position from 2023. “Why did it take Prime Minister Narendra Modi 30 months to make his U-turn?” she asked, suggesting the special session had been called to manage “political narratives” amid assembly elections in Tamil Nadu, Kerala, West Bengal, Assam and Puducherry.
She accused the government of a “tearing hurry to bulldoze extremely far-reaching changes to our polity”.
Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge also wrote to the Prime Minister on Monday, questioning the timing. He said the government was seeking the opposition’s cooperation without providing adequate details.
South is worried: ‘Give quota, but why delimitation’
Tamil Nadu chief minister and DMK supremo MK Stalin has accused the government of bundling the two issues — reservation and redrawing of LS seat boundaries — deliberately.
He demanded that women’s reservation be implemented immediately, without fresh delimitation or change in number of Lok Sabha seats.
“The Union government is not concerned about implementing reservations for women. If their concerns were genuine, they could have done it right away. Rather than doing that, the BJP-led Centre is thinking of using it as a weapon to tackle opposition and take up the delimitation exercise based on population,” he said in an interview over the weekend with news agency PTI.
How seats increase
The delimitation part of the government’s plan carries significant implications for federal balance in Parliament.
Under the proposed 50% flat increase, states like Uttar Pradesh would go from 80 Lok Sabha seats to 120; Bihar from 40 to 60. These are states of the Hindi belt where the BJP is strong.
In the South where the BJP mostly struggles, Tamil Nadu would go from 39 to approximately 59, and Kerala from 20 to 30.
The government’s position is that since every state’s seats increase by the same proportion, no state’s share of Parliament changes.
The five southern states — Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana — collectively hold 23.8% of the current 543-seat house. After expansion, they would hold 23.9% of the 816-seat house. Hardly a change.
However, the Gandhis and several chief ministers argue that proportional share is not the full picture.
The absolute gap in seat numbers between the northern Hindi-belt states and the southern states would widen — with the North collectively gaining 88 seats and the South gaining 66, as per a basic calculation.
That would make it harder for smaller blocs to build coalitions to block constitutional amendments or resist changes to, say, tax-sharing arrangements among states.
Parliamentary arithmetic
There are essentially three levels of majority for legal changes in India.
An ordinary bill needs a simple majority.
A constitutional amendment under Article 368 needs a special majority, which means two-thirds of members present and voting. That is the higher bar these bills face.
The Lok Sabha has 543 members. A simple majority means 272. For a special majority, two-thirds of members present and voting, means 362.
The current constitutional amendment bill changes Articles 81 (composition of Lok Sabha), 82 (delimitation), 330 (SC/ST reservations) and 334A (women’s reservation), requires special majority.
The NDA has roughly 293 seats in the Lok Sabha, comfortably above 272 but short of 362. In the Rajya Sabha, the NDA is similarly placed — a majority but not a two-thirds majority on its own.
The government needs somewhere between 60 and 70 additional votes in the Lok Sabha from outside the NDA to clear the two-thirds bar, depending on attendance on the day of voting. Regional parties — BJD, YSR Congress, and others not firmly in either the NDA or INDIA bloc — are the swing votes being courted.
The second bill, on forming a new delimitation commission, is ordinary legislation and needs only a simple majority that the NDA can manage.
A third, even higher category of bills, requires special majority plus ratification by at least half the state legislatures. That applies to provisions touching the federal structure directly, such as the division of powers between Centre and states, or the election of the President.
None of these require state legislature ratification. So, despite the enormous federal implications of this exercise — what the South is agitated about — state assemblies have no formal veto. They cannot block these bills. They can only apply political pressure.
